Maksim Suchkov
Russian policies in the Middle East have recently attracted attention, as Moscow has participated in nearly every significant regional initiative. The boost in this activity comes partly because sanctions have imposed certain limits on Russia's policies toward Europe. Moscow is thus compelled to seek better political and economic opportunities in other important regions where it has historically had sound influence.
ПРЕМИУМ
30 november 2014 | 23:00

What′s behind Russia′s Mideast strategy?

The text was originaly published at Al-Monitor

The turbulent dynamics of the Middle East make responsible stakeholders take proactive yet cautious stances. Russian policies in the Middle East have recently attracted attention, as Moscow has participated in nearly every significant regional initiative. The boost in this activity comes partly because sanctions have imposed certain limits on Russia's policies toward Europe. Moscow is thus compelled to seek better political and economic opportunities in other important regions where it has historically had sound influence.

The philosophy behind Russia's new Middle East policy is made up of a mixture of tactics. Policymakers definitely do not want to get dragged down into complicated political and security puzzles — a bitter lesson learned from the Soviet experience. But while Moscow keeps a high public profile in three prime areas — the Iranian P5+1 talks, the Israeli-Palestinian “Big Four”negotiations and the Syrian track — its activity beyond the institutional formats is less declaratory.

Therefore, it is essential for Moscow to work actively behind the scenes with critical regional powers and to create potential leverage to balance major external forces, primarily the United States.

Indeed, Russia is no stranger to Middle Eastern affairs. It has a shrewd grasp on the regional nuances, as well as serious academic and expert schools dedicated to area studies. Although not immune to its own miscalculations, it has proved skillful in building on American fallacies. To a certain extent, cooperation with Egypt and Bahrain exemplifies this trend.

In recent years, Moscow’s relations with two of America's 15 major non-NATO allies have strengthened. With Cairo, this is nothing new — arms and ammunitions sales have amounted to some $2 billion, and mutually encouraging rhetoric has helped forge personal ties between Vladimir Putin and Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who visited Moscow in August 2014 on his first official foreign visit. Earlier in February, after seizing power in a coup, Sisi traveled to Russia as his first choice in foreign destinations — a clear message to US authorities that Egypt has “places to go” besides Washington.

But relations with Manama — a longtime stalwart American ally and home to the US Navy's 5th Fleet — are especially interesting to watch. Under the current economic constraints, Russia is considering new sources of income and therefore views Bahrain as a key partner in the Gulf. The bilateral agenda is dominated by the energy, investment and financial sectors. In late October, after Putin and King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa met in Sochi, the two states established their first-ever direct air connection, with Bahrain Gulf Air being the prime carrier despite the threat that it might fall under US-led anctions against Russia.

It would be premature to presume that Russia is eating America's lunch in the Middle East, yet the public relations component is important here as well. Since Russia can’t boast huge popularity in the Gulf, expanding its economic and information presence in the region plays Moscow’s card.

Above all, there’s some domestic fine print for Russia in all of this. The overwhelming majority of Russian Muslims are Sunnis, whereas Moscow’s much-buzzed cooperation with Iran and Syria makes observers assess Russian policies in the Middle East as “pro-Shiite.” Whether it’s a correct description or a failure to view Russia’s Middle East strategy from outside the box, the Kremlin has to take the issue into account, as some Muslim leaders in Russia have expressed concern. Therefore, working along with Egypt and the Sunni leadership of Bahrain and Palestine — whose leader Mahmoud Abbas visited Russia’s North Caucasus twice — not only expands Russian political and economic horizons but also helps consolidate support for the country's leadership from its own Muslim constituency.

In a nutshell, although Russian activities in the Middle East are oriented toward specific countries, they aim for larger systemic effects from its policy in the region.

In dealing with such a complicated region, there is definitely no elevator to success; one has to take the stairs. In the great power rivalry that is echoing in the Middle East, the more patient and cautious you are, the better your odds for policy progress.

READ MORE ON THE TOPIC «Politics»

30 june 2015 | 21:00

War, dialogue, and reconciliation: Russia and the world in 2020

Alarming Contours of the Future: Russia and the World in 2020 is a new book that presents future scenarios for the development of international relations and Russia’s role in the world through 2020, while simultaneously describing major global challenges. The authors of the book—Andrey Sushentsov, a Russian expert who specializes in American studies, from Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), and his colleague Andrey Bezrukov, who also works for Rosneft, Russia’s largest oil company—spoke with Russia Direct to discuss their book and current and future conflicts facing Russia and the world.

1 july 2015 | 22:03

The outline of the Russian strategy towards Ukraine

The EU has not yet realized the amount of yearly grants that Ukraine’s stabilization will require if the latter turns its back on the Russian support – and the Union is not ready to provide them. There is every reason to have doubts about Kiev’s actions over the long term. The internal antagonism in Ukraine between the East and the West of the country is growing further. The US has yet to act as a stabilizing force. Russia is taking measures to ensure its risks and to avoid damage to its assets. An impetus to strike a deal may only occur when the EU feels the damage to its energy security. 

14 august 2015 | 22:00

Do think tanks fall into ideological divide separating Russia, US?

At the time of increasing U.S.-Russia confrontation and partisan thinking over Ukraine, it is becoming difficult for think tanks in these two countries to straddle between two extreme viewpoints. In some cases, these think tanks are even coming under media criticism for their stances or political pressure from top policymakers. 

21 december 2015 | 22:00

Review of the week: Kerry′s visit to Moscow and Putin′s press conference

On Dec. 15, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met in Moscow, after which they both talked with President Vladimir Putin. Then, on Dec. 17, Vladimir Putin held his traditional year-end press conference, during which he answered questions, many of which dealt with foreign policy issues.

What′s your opinion on this?

Dossier
19 september 2016 | 10:30
7 april 2016 | 20:00
10 april 2015 | 21:00
10 april 2015 | 21:00
23 march 2015 | 21:00
18 december 2014 | 21:00
10 november 2014 | 23:00
9 december 2013 | 23:00
Next page Previous page
 
Get access to our free content
Do not show again